Sunday, September 05, 2010

Obama's Governing Strategy is Clinton's Campaign Strategy

One of the questions that occasionally detains those of us who were enthusiastic about Obama's 2006-2008 campaign is "Why was Obama's campaign so masterful while his governing has been so pathetically sad-sack?" Herewith, a new observation for that perennial puzzler (perhaps the flagstone question for this presidency, just as "stupid or lying?" was for the previous one).

Paul Krugman disinters the strategic "thinking" of the Obama governing people -- particularly Rahm Emanuel, if reports are accurate -- from early in Obama's term (h/t GC):
[E]arly on the administration had a political theory: it would win bipartisan legislative victories, and each success would make Republicans who voted no feel left out, so that they would vote for the next initiative, and so on. (By the way, read that article and weep: “The massive resistance Republicans posed to Clinton in 1993 is impossible to imagine today.” They really believed that.) This theory led to a strategy of playing it safe...
I recall thinking at the time that this sounded like a massively stupid idea, although my son was born a month before Obama's inauguration so I wasn't blogging enough that I can cite chapter and verse for my perspicacity. But in any event, in retrospect, it's a really stupid idea. (Which leads Krugman to wonder why, given its now self-evident stupidity, Obama is continuing to practice it. A fair question, methinks. (Best line in the rest of Krugman's short blog post: "...the people who persuaded Obama to go for the capillaries..."))

One might say that Obama relied upon what one might call the "underpants gnome" theory of political success:
1. Massive early victories
2. ...
3. Consensus!

Thinking of it this way, I realized that Obama's governing strategy is the same as (Hillary) Clinton's campaign strategy -- y'know, the one that his campaign team famously outfought by doing thinks like actually focusing on real votes, being bold, presenting a clear vision, working for the long haul, and not presenting a plan that would utterly fail if it stepped off the track even a single time for any reason.

Clinton thought she'd win Iowa, which would win her NH, which would win her Super Tuesday... and then that was it. Obama seems to have thought he'd win the stimulus, which would win him Health Care... and then that was it.

So one reason that Obama's governing is so unbearably pathetic is that it's a direct copy of the unbearably pathetic campaign strategy that was beaten... by him.

Of course, this just kicks the question down a level to "why did Obama, having run one of the most masterful campaigns in history, adopt the strategy of one of campaigns he beat as his governing strategy?" And here I must admit: I have no !@#$%idea. Unless this is the reason; but then, that just kicks the question down another level to "why did Obama, who hired so many brilliant people for his campaign, hire this idiot to run his administration?"

I suppose it's turtles all the way down. Which is to say: some things in life are just Mysteries.

Update:

A commentator notes below, correctly, that Krugman's summary of the article he links to (by Mark Schmitt) is not all that accurate, and that reading Schmitt, you could say that it was Obama's governing strategy that didn't rely on massive early victories, in contrast to the one he failed to adopt, which did.

There's some truth to this, but I think that the other side is more important. I wrote a lengthy comment in reply... so lengthy that the system rejected it as too long. So here it is, up above the cut:

Noumena: you're right, it's a poor citation. I don't think it's fair to say that Schmitt says the *exact* opposite, but you're right that Schmitt is describing Obama's government strategy as one of patience. I was following Krugman's characterization, which I think is accurate, even if the Schmitt reference doesn't demonstrate it. (The description Krugman gives of Obama's governing strategy was in fact given a lot of places, although not, you're right to say, in Schmitt's piece.) Krugman may inaccurately summarize Schmitt (who I think he quoted mainly because of the appallingly wrong-headed line about the impossibility of Republican massavie resistance), but he accurately summarized what a lot of people claimed, around the time of the transition, to be Obama's strategy (reportedly due in large measure to Rahm Emmanuel, a former Clintonite who Obama, to the everlasting dismay of the Republic, hired to be his chief of staff).

But I think to say that Obama's campaign was patient, his governing was patient, therefore it was the same strategy, is invalid. In other key respects, Obama's governing resembles Clinton's campaign, in contrast to his own. Obama's campaign wasn't just patient, it was also: A) enthusiasm-building, and B) very attuned to the specific of votes and C) gutsy and risk-taking. Obama's governing strategy was none of those. Rather, he sought to create a sense of overwhelming inevitability based on early victories, leading to picking up Repbulican votes. It wasn't so much massive early victories leading to defeat of the other side, as a sense of inevitibilty leading to people joining a winning bandwagon -- which was Clinton's campaign strategy to a T. (My underpants gnome summary may have been a bit off, but Krugman's description was accurate -- and, I still claim, fit Clinton's campaign more than Obama's.)

Obama's governing strategy was patient not in the sense of laying groundwork for future victories (as was his campaign), but in the sense of prioritizing Liberal surrender and smallness of ambition at first, hoping to build on them later. Schmitt optimistically calls this building a coalition, but I do think it was like Clinton's (not Obama's) campaign strategy: to hope early victories would lead to capitulation, or at least coalition.

It hasn't happened. Indeed, it's been a dismal failure. And Schmitt's essay looks ludicrously optimistic now.

And I think your citation of Obama's single accomplishment -- health-care -- is wildly inadequate. Yeah, he won that one... after a fashion, without a public option, in a way that gave away far too much and got far too little. (The result was worth supporting because it's better than the status quo, but it ain't nothin' to brag about.) Obama's health care legislation exactly fit the description Schmitt gave to legislation produced by "shock doctrine"-style legislation, that is, "legislation produced in this way can be deeply flawed, often undermining rather than building its own support". With the added bonus that one piece of such deeply-flawed, support-undermining legislation was all we got, or are likely to get. Obama's strategy, in other words, got the same flawed legislation that Schmitt feared... but less of it, so that whole realms of politics went unaddressed.

Schmitt was writing to counter the "groups convinced that if their own No. 1 cause isn't enacted in the first 100 days, it will never happen"; but the groups were right and Schmitt (alas) wrong: all the priorities save Health Care are now toast, because of Obama's pathetically weak governing. And once the Republican's take back the house in November (as it looks increasingly likely they will), then all chances will certainly end.

I think that Schmitt's essay should be read besides the essay he quotes, Rick Perlstein's essay on 'shock doctrine' liberalism (which I discuss at some length in this post here). I think Perlstein was clearly right, Schmitt clearly wrong. Obama's "patience" demoralized the left and gave the right time to rally -- the rally to a "massive resistance" that Schmitt, rather laughably, claimed was impossible in this day and age.

Obama failed, and failed miserably, to get through an adequate stimulus; to get through an environmental bill that would be adequate to save our planet from ecological catastrophe; and on and on. (To say nothing of his gratuitous, congress-independent sins such as endorsing Bushian legal theories and the executive's right to assassinate American citizens at will). He failed in ways that pissed away an extraordinary chance to reorient our country in a liberal direction and correct decades of conservative misrule (and ideological malfeasance). There were a lot of reasons he failed, of which Congress was arguably the first 535... but I think that you have to say that, while we don't know if Perlstein's way would have worked or not, we know that Schmitt's way was tried and failed.

Obviously Obama isn't a failure in the way Bush was: Obama has tried and failed to move the country in a good direction, while Bush had spectacular success at damaging the country. In some sense Obama's George McClellan is preferable to Bush's Robert E Lee: at least he's fighting on the right side. But he's done a piss-poor job of doing so. And I think Krugman has his finger on one reason why.

Our country needed an FDR in 2008. What it got, alas, was a Clinton: a pathetic, wishy-washy, cowardly compromiser whose main redeeming feature was being better than the (radically worse) Republican opposition. Those of us who voted for Obama over Clinton because we thought we needed something more than another Clinton are rather understandably bitter.

Sunday, August 29, 2010

Poem of the Day

Night, street, lamp, and pharmacy,
A meaningless and misty light.
Live on a quarter century—
The same. There is no hope of flight.

You will die, rise from where you fell,
All be repeated, cold and damp:
The night, the wavering canal,
The pharmacy, the street, the lamp.

-- Alexander Bloc (1888 - 1921)
Trans. Leo Yankevich

Friday, August 27, 2010

Another Day, Another Year

A fellow will remember a lot of things you wouldn't think he'd remember.

-- Mr. Bernstein in Citizen Kane (1941)
The summer between my fourth and fifth grade years my family moved from Philadelphia to Cambridge, Massachusetts. So when I went to school for the first time that September -- I think it was September, not August -- I was new, and didn't know a single soul.

I therefore have no idea what the name of the student was (if I knew him later, I didn't then). I'm fairly certain he was in my grade. But I vividly remember that I was walking directly behind him -- through the school yard, up to the school door -- when I saw him greet a fellow student, presumably for the first time since school let out the previous June, and say, with a world-weary voice, "Another day, another year."

We were just boys. But it struck me at the time as filled with meaning beyond the simplicity of the words themselves. I heard in them a profundity with echoes of Ecclesiastes -- a venerable wisdom that today I would laugh should anyone think it present in a statement by a twenty-year-old, let alone a nine- or ten-year-old, as those boys were then.

And yet, in truth, I don't think there's been a school year that's started since in which I haven't thought at some point on or about the first day of school about that sentence, and the profound, sorrowful wisdom that I still (despite all) hear in it.

Friday, August 13, 2010

We All Live in Omelas

Fred Clark did a magnificent drash on Ursula K. LeGuin's classic short story "The Ones Who Walk Away From Omelas" (text file) in a series of three blog posts, put up on (and between) the anniversaries of the bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki. I recommend you read LeGuin's story if you haven't previously done so -- it's fabulous anyway, and I'd recommend it regardless of the commentary -- and then read Clark's series:

YNATKC*
Greetings from Omelas
August 9

There's also a postscript, "Sez Who", here, which is not as central to the rest of the series.

Go, read.

________________
*"YNATKC" is an acronym -- of Clark's devising, so far as I know -- for "You're not allowed to kill civilians", and point he's made repeatedly (although, as I suspect he'd agree, it's a point that can never be made sufficiently here in Omelas).

Tuesday, August 10, 2010

Ithaca-Focused Post

To any Ithacans who happen to be reading this blog: this fall, our local bookstore Buffalo Street Books is organizing a series of reading groups, and I'm offering one called "Literature of Constraint", about four novels written either by members of the French literary group the Oulipo, or (in one case) done by an American working on parallel lines. Follow the second link for more information. (There's also a facebook page here.) Any readers of this blog are invited to come!

Update (Sunday, December 12): Sadly, even before our final discussion on Wednesday, Buffalo Street Books has taken down the above-linked page about the group. So, more for my own reference than anything else, I'm going to list the four books that we discussed, and the dates (all dates from 2010).

September 15: Italo Calvino, If on a Winter's Night a Traveler
October 20: Georges Perec, A Void
November 17: Walter Abish, Alphabetical Africa
December 15: Harry Mathews, Cigarettes

Incidentally, my rereading of Perec's A Void and my reading of Abish's Alphabetical Africa each produced two blog posts, and my reading of Mathews's Cigarettes produced one, all linked in this selfsame sentence.

Saturday, August 07, 2010

Tony Judt

The internets are saying that the great historian and essayist Tony Judt has died. If so, it is a great loss, if not a surprising one, since he has been suffering from ALS for some years now. Nevertheless, the loss is keenly felt, as he was a fabulous writer -- Postwar is a terrific book, and his essays (collected in this volume) are very good as well. And, of course, he was a brave and pioneering voice on the Israeli/Palestinian conflict as well.

RIP.

Update: This is now being confirmed by mainstream news sources, e.g. the NY Times, the LA Times and the Associated Press. So far as I can tell, though, both were scooped by Monoweiss here.

Friday, August 06, 2010

Today in Unintentional Irony

Dennis Prager, in a column called "A Speech Every American High School Principal Should Give":
I am reorienting the school toward academics and away from politics and propaganda.
Dennis Prager, later in the very same paragraph:
We will have failed if any one of you graduates this school and does not consider him or herself inordinately lucky -- to be alive and to be an American.
No politics or propaganda here, nosiree. (But "global warming" is on Prager's list of exemplars of what would count as politics and propaganda. Oi vey.)

The very next (and final) paragraph reads, in full:
Now, please stand and join me in the Pledge of Allegiance to the flag of our country. As many of you do not know the words, your teachers will hand them out to you.
Good thing that pledging allegiance to "the flag of our country" has nothing to do with either propaganda or politics.*

Better conservative commentators, please.

Plus! Extra! Bonus self-contradiction within a single paragraph -- from the very same column! From early in the paragraph [emphasis added]:
My only interest in terms of language is that you leave this school speaking and writing English as fluently as possible.
Shortly followed by:
We will learn other languages here -- it is deplorable that most Americans only speak English...
I say again, in the American English vernacular: oi fucking vey.

______________
* Yeah, I know I just lost a few of you here. But I have long thought that pledging allegiance in a public school is kind of creepy. And even if you support it -- and I am well aware that most Americans probably do -- you can't deny that it's propaganda, albeit propaganda you believe in. (Just causes can have propaganda too.)

Thursday, August 05, 2010

Politics Today

I was busy, so I didn't read the news yesterday. I come back this morning, and the top three stories people are talking about seem to be:
  1. Equal marriage rights for gays and lesbians, which a California court just declared a constitutional necessity yesterday (appeal pending);
  2. Conservatives who want to change the constitution to alter the 14th Amendment's guarantee of citizenship for everyone born in the U.S. (John Stewart's brilliant take here (h/t))
  3. Whether people should be allowed to build a religious center on private land -- controversial because it's Islam, a mosque and it's a couple blocks from the site of the 9/11 attacks.
In other words, it's all identity politics, all the time. It's the question of whether we're going to be an inclusive society, or not. Whether we are a nation dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal, or a nation of white, straight Christians -- of scared white, straight Christians.

On one very important level, this is utterly, thoroughly ridiculous. Our country and world face some really !@#$%ing serious problems -- global warming above all, but a horrible economy, two wars and the bipartisan eroding of basic civil liberties also -- and we're fighting about silly little identity politics? People are up in arms, not about politicians fiddling as the world burns, or blocking stimulus bills that would actually create some !@#$%ing jobs, or our country's occupying and fighting in countries with (at this point) only a fairly tenuous connection to national security (and an equally tenuous moral justification).... but about people getting married, having babies and building places to worship? You've gotta be kidding me.

But I guess that's where we are. Do we believe in the proposition that all are created equal, or not? Are the children of illegal immigrants, Muslims and gays and lesbians to be included in that consensus... or are they to be excluded, just as African Americans, women and so many others were when our nations creed was written?

It's a crazy fight. But if it's what we're fighting about, I know which side I'm on.

And, of course, it's ultimately deeply connected to the other fights, too. I find it hard to believe that, if not for the fear of other religions and other ethnicities, we would currently be fighting in Afghanistan and (certainly) Iraq.* Without the fears of those who want America to be Christian, and to be white, and to be straight, we would not fear that government money would go to "them" and not to "us"... and could digest the straightforward Keynesian argument that we need to let the government spend when no one else will to dig ourselves out of a recession. And without those fears, we could let the government tax the carbon that's going to roast us all, and keep the government from throwing civil liberties overboard on us out of the fear that "us" might be "them".

So I guess that, yeah, we need to have this fight -- this fight over who were are as a people (and as people) -- before we can deal with the rest. But I worry. Because people are dying in our wars, being held without trial in our jails, and suffering for lack of jobs now. Above all, the world will not wait for us to solve our cultural problems before it heats to unsustainable levels.

Fear of those not "us" -- not in the (false) image of those who "us" are -- is causing problems that will not wait for that fear to resolve itself. And what good will a tolerant, decent society be if we create it on the ashes of a livable world?

If there's a solution to this problem, I don't know it. But it's the problem we face in politics today.

__________________
* Iraq, a war based on errors, arrogence and lies, is obvious. But I think it applies to Afghanistan too. We didn't invade anywhere after the Oklahoma City bombing; we treated it as a crime, not an act of war.

Activist Court Overturns Popularly-Supported Laws Restricting Marriage Rights to Certain Couples

I assume that anyone appalled by yesterday's monumental and heroic opinion is equally appalled by this decision, on a form of marriage far more unpopular in its day than same-sex marriage is today.

Friday, July 23, 2010

If I Had a Twitter Account, I'd Twitter This

It's worth remembering that in his first substantial* passage on the notion that "God is Dead" (The Gay Science, Book 3, Sect. 125), Nietzsche attributes the notion to a "madman" who is addressing not people who believe in God, but people who do not.

(...which just goes to show why I'm not made for Twitter, or at any rate not ready for it, since that comes to 207 characters not counting the link (or the footnote), half again as many as are permitted on that site.)

___________________

* It's mentioned in passing in the first section of Book 3 of the same work, but section 125 is the first one in which it is the central subject.

Monday, July 19, 2010

Poem of the Day: Aubade

Aubade

I work all day, and get half-drunk at night.
Waking at four to soundless dark, I stare.
In time the curtain-edges will grow light.
Till then I see what's really always there:
Unresting death, a whole day nearer now,
Making all thought impossible but how
And where and when I shall myself die.
Arid interrogation: yet the dread
Of dying, and being dead,
Flashes afresh to hold and horrify.
The mind blanks at the glare. Not in remorse
- The good not done, the love not given, time
Torn off unused - nor wretchedly because
An only life can take so long to climb
Clear of its wrong beginnings, and may never;
But at the total emptiness for ever,
The sure extinction that we travel to
And shall be lost in always. Not to be here,
Not to be anywhere,
And soon; nothing more terrible, nothing more true.

This is a special way of being afraid
No trick dispels. Religion used to try,
That vast, moth-eaten musical brocade
Created to pretend we never die,
And specious stuff that says No rational being
Can fear a thing it will not feel, not seeing
That this is what we fear - no sight, no sound,
No touch or taste or smell, nothing to think with,
Nothing to love or link with,
The anasthetic from which none come round.

And so it stays just on the edge of vision,
A small, unfocused blur, a standing chill
That slows each impulse down to indecision.
Most things may never happen: this one will,
And realisation of it rages out
In furnace-fear when we are caught without
People or drink. Courage is no good:
It means not scaring others. Being brave
Lets no one off the grave.
Death is no different whined at than withstood.

Slowly light strengthens, and the room takes shape.
It stands plain as a wardrobe, what we know,
Have always known, know that we can't escape,
Yet can't accept. One side will have to go.
Meanwhile telephones crouch, getting ready to ring
In locked-up offices, and all the uncaring
Intricate rented world begins to rouse.
The sky is white as clay, with no sun.
Work has to be done.
Postmen like doctors go from house to house.

-- Philip Larkin

H/t to Sully. An "aubade", by the way, is "a song or poem greeting the dawn".

Friday, July 16, 2010

Stray Thought

If he'd made his name a little earlier, Jeet Heer might have had a chapter of Christan Bök's Eunoia dedicated to him.

Monday, July 12, 2010

Harvey Pekar (1939 - 2010)

In the long run, we're all dead anyway.

-- Harvey Pekar, The Quitter
I just found out that Harvey Pekar, the amazing comics writer who specialized in small, autobiographical anecdotes about his daily life as a file clerk, died today.

A fabulous movie based on his comics (and, hence, about his life), called by the title of his ongoing comics series, American Splendor, came out in 2003.

Some of you may know that for some years now (far too many) I've been working on a graphic novel (illustrating my own script). I'd long harbored a fantasy of sending him a copy once it was done and (FSM willing) published, and saying I'd love to do a story with him if he had any interest in it.

I should have worked faster.

If you've never read his work, the best place to start is probably the collection of (most of) his collaborations with artist Robert Crumb, American Splendor Presents: Bob & Harv's Comics (1994), which was for me the best work either of them ever did.

Some links:

• David Ulin has a nice appreciation in the LA Times. Since I'm away from my collection of Pekar comics at the moment, and can't go through them looking for a good epitaphial epigraph of my own, I filched one from his piece.

• Tom Spurgeon has yet to post his full obituary, but his 382 word (2,226-character) Twitter (!) response -- serialized, natch, but thankfully collated at the link -- is probably better than most of the full-scale obituaries by other people will be. [Update: Spurgeon has one of his massive "collective memory" link collections on Pekar here.]

• Journalista has posted Gary Groth's 1993 interview with Pekar from The Comics Journal.

• As of now, Wikipedia has a thorough article on Pekar's comics series American Splendor; hopefully the publicity of his death won't draw enough attention to it that the powers-that-be at Wikipedia decide to ruin it.

Maybe more links later.

Harvey Pekar, RIP.

(Irrelevant and slightly irreverent footnote: am I the only person who sees six kinds of irony in the fact that the Coroner in Cuyahoga County, where Pekar died, was named "Frank Miller"?)

Update, July 16: More Pekar links:

• Tom Spurgeon's full-length obituary is here.

• Jeet Heer has an obituary here.

• Alan David Duane's 2005 interview with Pekar is here.

• This blog post by John Glenn Taylor has a nice sampling of random panels from Pekar comics.

Tuesday, July 06, 2010

Why Political Satire Doesn't Work Anymore

Satire as a literary device depends on a comprehending and homogeneous audience with commonly understood standards of rightness and reasonableness. Since the satirist can expose to instantaneous contempt only what is readily condemned by the opinion of his readers, he must necessarily be on intimate terms with them and count on their sharing his tastes and viewpoint. If this intimacy should break down, if the satirist's audiences should become heterogeneous and the once-shared values become confused and doubtful, if the satirist has to explain what his ridicule means, then the satire is rendered ineffectual.

-- Gordon Wood, Revolutionary Characters (2006), p. 251

Sunday, July 04, 2010

Words Hard to Take Seriously Enough, However Seriously You Take Them

We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness. — That to secure these rights, Governments are instituted among Men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed, — That whenever any Form of Government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the Right of the People to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new Government, laying its foundation on such principles and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their Safety and Happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate that Governments long established should not be changed for light and transient causes; and accordingly all experience hath shewn that mankind are more disposed to suffer, while evils are sufferable than to right themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed. But when a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same Object evinces a design to reduce them under absolute Despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such Government, and to provide new Guards for their future security.

--The unanimous Declaration of the thirteen united States of America

They're hard words to live by. Jefferson, who wrote them (with some later editing by committee), had trouble living by them, seeing his role in personally denying hundreds of people their inalienable right to liberty. Indeed, many of those who signed the declaration, people who took them very seriously indeed (the pledge of their lives, fortunes and sacred honors was not simply a rhetorical flourish, since they could have been hung if they'd lost the war), had trouble taking them seriously enough.

But it was hardly the only time. When Elizabeth Cady Stanton repeated those words, adding only a few self-evident edits ("all men and women are created equal"), it took decades for her to be taken seriously enough. When Ho Chi Min said those words (in Vietnamese) in saying that his colonized people also wanted to "dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another and to assume among the powers of the earth, the separate and equal station to which the Laws of Nature and of Nature's God entitle them", we did not take him seriously enough, and sent troops to aid his colonizers (who had, ironically, themselves aided us when we were the colonized).

And today, our government is threatening the life and liberty and pursuits of happiness of its citizens (not to mention its non-citizens: and after all those inalienable rights are due to all men and all women, not simply to American citizens), but somehow, we don't take those rights seriously, or the idea that governments derive just powers only from consent of the governed, and only to protect those rights, seriously enough.

Yet those words, written in haste by a slaveowner, derived from commonplaces of enlightened thought of his day, edited by a committee and passed hurriedly so they could return to the managing of a war, those words remain worthy of being taken seriously. The words were larger and better than he or they meant; larger and better than he or they knew; and larger and better than we have yet fully and truly grasped. Indeed, the question we should continually ask our government -- and ourselves -- is whether we are acting worthy of them.

Happy July 4, everyone.

Saturday, July 03, 2010

Quote of the Day: Jim Henley on Standards for the High and Low Roads

Jim Henley, responsible for so many fine posts over the years, hits another home-run in this one:
...what we see over and over again is that we judge high-road approaches as failures unless they produce nigh-instant and complete favorable results, while we show nearly infinite patience for journeys down the low road.

Nine years into the invasion of Afghanistan we have to agree that pulling out after a decade is just too soon. Back in 2001, the Taliban’s failure to turn over Osama bin Laden within a couple of weeks showed the hopelessness of diplomacy. When torture “works” at all it takes weeks and months, just like more classic rapport-building methods of interrogation. And it involves more false positives. Plus, oh I forgot to mention, it is deeply evil. But even though classic interrogation methods produce statistically better results, we live in fear that there may be some time somewhere that torture might get an answer that classic interrogation missed, so of course we must continually torture for that possible moment’s sake. As Gene points out, O’Grady judges the European and Canadian liberation of travel to Cuba a failure because Cuba has not become a neoliberal paradise in the decade since, while leaving aside the fact that Cuba hasn’t become a neoliberal paradise after 50 years of American cold-war against the country.

Compare also the standard neocon “U SUCK LOL” directed against nonviolent resistance – Hitler would totally have just killed Gandhi hahaha! We accept that successful violent resistance might take years or decades to achieve victory – Mao, Castro – and that guerrilla movements might suffer casualties to ranks and leaders but keep on. But we can’t imagine that nonviolent resistances might achieve the same. The war on drugs will surely work at some point – we’ve only been at it for 90-odd years, trillions of dollars and countless deaths and humiliations. But should anyone anywhere decriminalize anything, a single death or inconvenience in the first week would condemn the entire effort....

The open question, to me, is who “we” are in the above. American culture, or the human race? I suspect the latter, and that relative power simply gives the US a greater opportunity to take low-road approaches. But I’m not sure.

-- Jim Henley
(I quoted most of it -- it was that sort of post -- but that link goes to the rest if you want it.)

Friday, July 02, 2010

In Sorrow



I've been trying to write this post for a few days now. I can't quite figure out how I want to say it. But I feel uneasy not having said it. So I'm going for plain, short and simple.

Last week, while my wife and I were away (she had a business trip, I went along) our beloved lovebird Boojum died.

He was with a bird sitter, and flew into an uncurtained window. He died instantly.

It's hard to know what to say about the death of a pet. The loss is real and powerful, even if those of us who have experienced both would never confuse it with the death of a human being. -- And yet grief about a pet is often scorned or dismissed or mocked -- or, even when this is not true, it is hectored for its triviality (hence the disclaimer in the previous sentence, which I felt compelled to add not because I think it wasn't obvious but despite this).

Hard, too, because so many of the consolations (and rationalizations and excuses and translucent veils of denial) we grasp at when a human being we love dies fail with an animal. Perhaps the only thing we can say about an animal, from among all of the various things that we say to console ourselves about the death of people we loved, is that they lived a happy life, and died without pain. (Yes, I am aware that there are people who believe animals end up in heaven. All I can say is that I don't, for either animals or people, and nothing you say will convince me, so please don't try, not now, not here.)

Lived happily and died without pain: thankfully, for Boojum, this is true. It's hard to know what "living a good life" would be for a bird (let alone a human (or is it the other way around?)), but he was happy, as happy as we could make him. He was a strong flier -- or became one: when he came to us, his wings were clipped; but he relearned to fly, and flew frequently around the room when, once or twice a day, we let him out to do so -- a brave little cosmonaut, we thought of him. He explored, and learned to fly in all sorts of complicated and strong ways (almost hovering at times, for instance). At other times he would just circle, for the sheer joy of it.

And it is a consolation, if a small one, that he went out flying.

Once we returned from our trip -- and brought our surviving lovebird, Snark, safely home again -- we claimed the body; and while our son was with a babysitter, we buried him under a tree, and said, yes, a few words.

We have been worrying about Snark -- yet another way we deal with death: fret on the survivors -- but he seems fine, although the day we picked him up he was, understandably, a bit agitated. We are hoping to find a new bird to serve as a companion for Snark, since it is not good for lovebirds to live alone (hence the name). But it's hard to believe he does not, in whatever way the mind of a bird does, miss Boojum.

As do we.

Rest in peace, Boojum. Thank you for enriching our lives.


Sunday, June 20, 2010

Poem of the Day: Autopsychography

Autopsychography

The poet is a faker
Who's so good at his act
He even fakes the pain
Of pain he feels in fact.

And those who read his words
Will feel in his writing
Neither of the pains he has
But just the one they're missing.

And so around its track
This thing called the heart winds,
A little clockwork train
To entertain our minds.

-- Fernando Pessoa
Trans. Richard Zenith

The link goes to a site where seventeen different versions of Pessoa's "Autopsicografia" (as well as the Portuguese original) are housed, including two separate translations by one translator, as well as a notable version by that redoubtable translator "Google Translate". The Zenith was my favorite, at least on a first read-through; but check out the others -- your taste may vary, after all. (Faithful readers will know how much I like comparing various translations of particular poems.)

Oh, and just in case you've never heard of him, I should mention that, while it may be true that all poets are fakers, Pessoa was more of a faker than most, a strange man who seems to have been a refugee from an unwritten Borges story.

Wednesday, June 16, 2010

A Third Connecting Link Between Them

Links and trivia for Bloomsday:

• The text of Ulysses, all 264,942 words of it. (It doesn't say, but presumably this is the original, 1922 edition, not the revised text put out in 1984.)

• Marilyn Monroe reading Ulysses.

• The first ten spelling mistakes in Ulysses, according to the 2004 Microsoft Word dictionary working on the text linked above:
stairhead
dressinggown
ungirdled
Introibo
altare
Kinch
jesuit [should be capitalized]
gunrest
Dedalus
untonsured
But two of those are proper names, and two are part of a Latin sentence, so just for completeness's sake, here are four more:
ouns
Chrysostomos
woful
Scutter
And, yes, all 14 of those are flagged by blogger's spellcheck too. (As is "blogger's".)

• My first-ever post on this blog -- actually, my first three posts -- were five years ago today. So today is my five-year blogoversery. Happy blogoversery to me. (And yes, the third of those three posts was about the fact that it was Bloomsday -- actually, that's why I chose that day to finally start the blog I'd been contemplating.)

• Ulysses: the comic. Hey, the did it with Proust, why not Joyce?

...This sounds ridiculous, I admit, but it's actually well done. I somewhat doubt if it will hold up as an independent work of art which happens to be an adaptation of another work (as so many great films are, and some great comics are too). But it is an interesting interpretation of Ulysses, read in conjunction with the text. Above all, I can imagine it being used by readers and entrance into a great but very difficult novel. For example, this page makes very vivid the sheer basics of what is happening (i.e. how Stephen is thinking as Buck is talking):



Compare that to the original text this adapts:
Buck Mulligan suddenly linked his arm in Stephen's and walked with him round the tower, his razor and mirror clacking in the pocket where he had thrust them.

—It's not fair to tease you like that, Kinch, is it? he said kindly. God knows you have more spirit than any of them.

Parried again. He fears the lancet of my art as I fear that of his. The cold steelpen.

—Cracked lookingglass of a servant! Tell that to the oxy chap downstairs and touch him for a guinea. He's stinking with money and thinks you're not a gentleman. His old fellow made his tin by selling jalap to Zulus or some bloody swindle or other. God, Kinch, if you and I could only work together we might do something for the island. Hellenise it.

Cranly's arm. His arm.

—And to think of your having to beg from these swine. I'm the only one that knows what you are. Why don't you trust me more? What have you up your nose against me? Is it Haines? If he makes any noise here I'll bring down Seymour and we'll give him a ragging worse than they gave Clive Kempthorpe.

Young shouts of moneyed voices in Clive Kempthorpe's rooms. Palefaces: they hold their ribs with laughter, one clasping another. O, I shall expire! Break the news to her gently, Aubrey! I shall die! With slit ribbons of his shirt whipping the air he hops and hobbles round the table, with trousers down at heels, chased by Ades of Magdalen with the tailor's shears. A scared calf's face gilded with marmalade. I don't want to be debagged! Don't you play the giddy ox with me!
The comic, it seems to me, clarifies for the beginning reader (of a difficult novel, even if that reader is a very advanced reader indeed) the order of events.

I was able to find my way into Ulysses because of a high-school trip to Ireland that took us on a tour of the James Joyce Museum in the Martello tower where the first episode of Ulysses is set. Being able to picture the place, physically, as I worked my way through the text helped me greatly. (Of course, around episode 7 I surrendered and took a (quite fabulous) class to help me. But the tower helped me get to that point.) I can easily imagine this comic doing likewise for other readers. (Not that that's all it's good for -- it's also a fabulous midrash on a fabulous text -- but that purpose above all seems valuable to me.)

The comic also includes reader's guides which talk about the text of the pages they show (here, for instance, is the one for the page shown above) which should help farther. A fascinating and fabulous project (with, I think, quite wonderful art to boot).

Good thing it's not the 1920's anymore, and this project won't be censored by anyone (unlike, that is, Joyce's original novel).

• Ulysses censored again! Drat. So much for that. At least this time it's a 21st century censoring: not done by the Government, but by Apple... keeping it from the iPad and iPhone and iOtherstuff too presumably. This is the age of the free-market, folks: we outsource our censoring now.

So much for my getting an iPad.

• And yes, the title of this post is a quote from Ulysses. And yes, I'm lazy, and just searched the text for "link". Sue me.

Monday, June 07, 2010

More On Helen Thomas

In my naivete, I thought it would be simple to condemn Helen Thomas's odious remarks. I knew that conservatives (on the Israel/Palestine question, that is; in American politics, at any rate, being conservative or liberal on this issue does not line up all that well with being conservative or liberal on other issues) would make hay out of her remarks, falsely implying that her odious remarks were in any way representative of those who critique the policies of Israel, or even those who critique having an ethnically-defined state (as, for example, a "Jewish" (or "Palestinian" or "Muslim") state).

But I didn't think that those on the left of the I/P issue would actually go and help them.

For the most part I've seen radio silence by the left on this issue, at least by those on the left who focus on Israel/Palestine issues. (To be fair, my reading on this & other political topics is pretty limited these days, so I probably missed stuff.) Some liberals, such as Steve Benen, simply condemned Thomas's remarks. So did Josh Marshall. But a lot of bloggers who advocate, from various viewpoints, for Israel to stop its ongoing oppression of the Palestinians simply didn't seem to touch the issue.

This is, I think, a pity, since I think that actively promoting human rights for all inhabitants of I/P -- Jews as well as Palestinians, each equally to the other -- is essential to solving the conflict. (That was sort of the point of my previous post.) This is true even if you set aside moral considerations (which I don't, and don't think anyone ever should), since simply as a practical matter making Israeli Jews feel further endangered is stupid for anyone who wants justice for the Palestinians: it will simply cause them to retrench further. (And, of course, the best way to make Israeli Jews not feel endangered is not to promote belief systems that would lead them to be endangered -- such as advocating the ethnic cleansing of Jews from Palestine.) So I'd have hoped to see those on the left on I/P issues condemn Thomas -- I mean, heck, calling for ethnic cleansing (even voluntary ethnic cleansing, to put the most positive spin possible on her remarks)? That oughta be an easy call.

And of course advocating, simply and straightforwardly, ethnicity-blind justice and peace and security for all inhabitants of I/P will, on balance, be a progressive position, since it is Palestinians far more than Israelis* who are currently denied these things (since, after all, millions of Palestinians on the west bank are currently under military occupation and have no vote in the country that rules their lives; more than a million in Gaza are held in an effective prison with Israeli (and Egyptian) control over their borders, letting in only enough food not to cause a humanitarian crisis; and since in the conflict, in general, far more Palestinians are killed than Israelis). But one should nevertheless do this consistently, even in cases where the call is for justice for Israelis not Palestinians. One should do this, above all, because it is the right thing to do; but it also happens to be the strategically smart thing to do. ("Politics and morality on the same side? That doesn't happen every day, Delenn." -- JMS [/SF Geek])

So, for example, I think Peter Beinart was right that opponents of the Gaza blockade should also advocate for the return of Israeli soldier Galid Shalit. Not to say that the focus should be even: 1.5 million Gazans are held in effective captivity; one Israeli soldier is held in Gaza. But still there should be calls for justice for both -- even disproportionate ones, giving Shalit more than 1/1,500,000 of the attention, since even morally his life is worth neither more nor less than that of the other Palestinians, practically it would do good to the cause by showing the Israelis that their lives too were of value -- all the while reminding them that not only their lives were of value, that the other 1.5 million people in Gaza were equally valuable. Again: the morality is paramount, but even if you look at it from the cold-blooded view of practicality it's an equally good call.

This practical viewpoint is what was expressed, I think, in Philip Weiss's comment on Helen Thomas's call for the ethnic cleansing of Jews from I/P (the sole exception I saw to my above comment about radio silence -- but then, Philip Weiss seems to write about every damn little news story that comes up even vaguely related to I/P (and even those that aren't he relates to I/P (the man is clearly a hedgehog not a fox.))) He doesn't quite say it was an immoral thing to say, but he clearly thinks it was unhelpful (hence his search for a "silver lining"). True, he does try to turn the issue around to his side in a way that seems to me to be propagandistic rather than truth-seeking -- and in a way that again violates the basic moral imperative to simply seek justice for everyone (genuinely, fully, without caveats). But he saw it was a bad thing for Helen Thomas to say at any rate.

To see why it was such a counterproductive thing to say, let's look at someone who is, from the U.S. point of view, on the center-right, Jonathan Chait (link via). I say "center" because (I believe -- I'm hardly an expert in his views or even an all-that-regular reader of his blog, so I might be wrong about what he thinks & says) he would argue for a two-state solution including the removal of all settlements & an equal territorial swap to return to something close to the 1967-lines. I say "center-right" because he seems to spend a lot more time attacking those who hold those views for being insufficiently pro-Israel than he does thinking of ways to advance them. (Same caveats apply, however).

Chait frames his argument as a way of arguing that Thomas shouldn't be fired (this was, I think, before she retired earlier today) because "[w]hile there's no First Amendment right to be employed by a newspaper chain, I think public debate is poorly served by summary firings of those who spout controversial views." I think he's right about the balance of considerations, and I don't know how that balance falls out -- I do think our public discourse would be improved by not automatically firing people who stray from a narrow consensus, but it's also true that marginalizing racist (and anti-semtitic) voices has probably ultimately been a plus in our culture, and how this particular case fits in to that balance depends on a lot of things and is (or was) finally up for Hearst to decide. I wasn't going to campaign for her firing, but I'm not going to mourn her going either.

But Chait takes his blog post in a totally invidious direction, and compares Helen Thomas's remarks to Tony Judt's famous & controversial call for a one-state solution in Israel/Palestine. Chait writes:
I also see little distinction between the views themselves. Judt advocates dissolving the state of Israel and replacing it with a a bi-national democratic state where Jews can live happily and peacefully as minority citizens of Palestine. It's an utterly fantastical proposition. Thomas's anti-Zionism entails a no more preposterous alternative fantasy (Israel's Jews will immigrate to Germany, Poland, and perhaps the United States.) The main difference is that Thomas is a little more forthright about the fact that her preferred solution is to turn a large chunk of the world's Jews into refugees. I find it morally abhorrent, but I don't think being an honest anti-Zionist should disqualify a person from working in journalism.
What is so insidious** here is his unfair and inaccurate eliding of anti-Zionist views -- Judt certainly holds those -- with anti-semitic views, which is what Thomas expressed. Judt's views may be, as Chait thinks, fanciful (although one might argue that Chait's imagined solution, in which Israel agrees to uproot all the settlers and is able to summon the political will to do so, and two states live peacefully side-by-side, is no less so). But he isn't calling for making Jews refugees. (Rather, Judt is calling for making currently refugee Palestinians able to return, as international law says they have a right to do, to the homes that Israel drove them out of in 1948.) Thomas, on the other hand, is actively calling for Jews to leave Israel/Palestine -- a view equally abhorrent as the view that Palestinians should be forced to leave (as, of course, many of them were in 1948).

Judt's views may be wishful thinking, but they are a fully moral position; Thomas's views are distinctly immoral. That's the difference between being anti-Zionist and being anti-semitic. Eliding the two is just a more subtle way of calling anti-Zionists anti-semites -- which is a pernicious falsehood. (And of course the problem with Chait's views is that they retroactively validate the actual ethnic cleansing that went on in 1948 by denying the Palestinian refugees the right of return. One might argue that such a denial is pragmatically necessary given the impossibility of a one-state solution, but it is clearly a moral compromise, a lesser-of-two-evils (for believers in that argument), not a good thing.)

So yeah, conservatives (even those who are liberal on other issues) have used Thomas's anti-semitic remarks to justify their attacks on anti-Zionists.*** Which is just one of the reasons that they were pragmatically objecitonable.

All the sadder, then, to see liberals justifying them.

One variety of justification is to downplay how bad the remarks are, or argue that worse is said on the other side, or simply to say that having Helen Thomas gone will deprive the world of a strong voice for justice on I/P (and/or other) issues. This is the sort of equivocating that liberals naturally disdain when conservatives do it, and we shouldn't copy them.

So Zandar at No More Mister Nice Blog says that while it was a "pretty horrible thing to say", Thomas deserves a "mulligan" because she's old and done other things, and anyway it's just the Village enforcing ideological rigidity again. Well, I do think the Village is too ideologically rigid on this issue -- I'd love to hear more from people like Ali Abunimah and, yes, Tony Judt (if he weren't too ill to do it) -- but this is an example of a justified exclusion. (As I said above, it might not be the right call, but it's hardly groundless.) Blaming the Village for excluding, say, Palestinian views generally is right and proper; but Helen Thomas was cast out because she said something vile. She is the one who caused the conversation to loose a voice by spouting bigotry with that voice.

Similarly, there is John Cole at Balloon Juice saying sarcastically that he is "quite relieved there is no one critical of administration or Israeli policy left in the WH press corpse". Well, yes, it would be nice if there were someone like that. But again, the person to blame is the reporter who spouted bigotry. I doubt that he'd be so kind to someone who said that, say, Mexican-Americans should go back to Mexico, or that Palestinians should leave Eretz Yisrael. In those cases he'd see the fault lay with the person saying something offensive and boneheaded.

And then there is Jack Ross at Mondoweiss, giving an "unqualified" (!!) -- that's his word -- defense of Helen Thomas.

Now the grounds of his defense is something pretty standard in cases in which a formerly-respected public voice says something vile: namely, to deny that they said what they plainly said. Ross writes that Thomas's comments
telling Israelis to leave Palestine and "go home" to Europe do not reflect a desire to see Israel/Palestine judenrein, but rather an ominous sense of what a dangerous place Israel has become, and will only increasingly be, for its people.
Ok, well, if what she had said was that Israel was becoming a dangerous place for its people and will be increasingly dangerous, that wouldn't have been a scandal; it would have been a banality. Hell, I bet that most right-wing Zionists would've signed that statement. But it's not what she said. What she said was that Israelis (presumably only Jewish Israelis? (see footnote below)) ought to "go home" to places like Germany, Poland and America.

If she didn't want to express a desire to see I/P judenrein, she shouldn't have suggested that all the Jews ought to leave.

Then Ross changes the subject to the crimes of 1940's Zionists -- which has nothing to do with what Thomas said a few days ago.

What Ross said would have been simply wrong if he'd offered it up as a "qualified" defense, along the lines of "Thomas may have phrased what she said badly, but I think what she was getting at was --". But that's not what he said. He offers an "unqualified" defense of what she actually said. Which is an appalling thing to do -- signaled, perhaps, by the fact that he needs to pretend she said something other than what she said to make his case.

Then there are the comments on his post. As my people would say: oi vey. (Yes, I'm aware that I'm verging into nutpicking territory here, and I don't mean to say that these comments are reflective of anyone other than the individual who wrote them.) One commentator, Kalethia, said:
Not only was [Thomas] deliberately trapped by the Rabbi, but her words were directed specifically at “Israeli” Jews, and had she spoken those words about South African whites and how they should be deported to their country of origin if that’s what it would take to stop Apartheid, there would not be a peep of outcry from the Jewish community. Instead so-called LIBERAL Jews are crucifying at the stake even calling her a “witch”!
The line about being "deliberately trapped" is ridiculous -- it's like Sarah Palin saying she was "trapped" by reporters asking her straightforward questions. The Rabbi in question was reportedly dressed in traditional Jewish garb, so it's not like she wouldn't know where he was coming from; and he had a !@#$% video camera for pete's sake. Asking someone a direct question is not a trap; it's a question.

Then there's the bit about it being directed specifically at "Israeli" Jews. So? Most anti-Arab racism in Israel is not directed at Arabs from far-off countries. So what?

As for the Afrikaner scenario, it's hard to say with hypotheticals. But certainly there should have been an outcry, since the anti-Apartheid movement was about equality and justice, not about ethnic cleansing of whites. And certainly liberals -- and many (although not enough) Jews -- object when Israeli Jews say that Palestinians should all leave Israel, a morally equivalent remark to what Helen Thomas said.

Finally, in the context of objecting to anti-semitic remarks, "crucifying" is about as unfortunate a choice of words as one can imagine.

...I could go on. There are more defenders of Thomas in the comments to Ross's post; and some critics, too. But it shows an ugliness among those on the side of justice for the Palestinians that those of us who believe in that cause would do well to call out and argue against. For the positions Thomas articulated are just as immoral as their counterparts on the other side. And even if some particular pro-Palestinian activist doesn't care about that (as they ought to), they're still wildly counter-productive for what they do care about.

Anti-semitism is -- among other things -- bad for the Palestinians.

Update: Matt Yglesias presents Matt Welch's take on what Thomas said, spinning it in an interesting direction: against the notion that objectivity requires the suppressing of one's own views. Definitely an interesting view, if somewhat skew to the obvious issues Thomas's statement raises.

Update 2: And of course Adam Serwer and Gabriel Winant are right that there is a lot of parallel anti-Arab bigotry in the American media (links via), which does not result in firings. But to always bring up the worse sin on side A when a person (purportedly on) side B says something foul smacks of trying to exculpate by contrast. I think that rather than rush to point out the anti-Arab bigotry of a Martin Peretz, for instance, we should simply condemn what is vile -- when Helen Thomas makes anti-semitic comments, then condemn that; then, when someone makes anti-Arab comments, condemn that, without having to say anything about how of course people are anti-semites too.

Plus, as I said, it will help the Palestinians, if the people oppressing them understand that those on the other side want coexistence and peace, not revenge and displacement. And the best way to have people understand that is for it to be true.

And, of course, all this aside, bigoted remarks are immoral and ought to be called out. And really that's enough.

(OTOH, Digby's got a point about the hypocracy of people crying about this who "are in the process of trying to revoke the citizenship of people who were born in this country to "send them back" to where their parents come from.")

Update 3 (Tuesday, June 8): I keep thinking that I spent too much time on this... feeling guilty, because of points like that of Kevin Drum (another liberal who does condemn her remarks) who says that media "windbags" are using the Thomas story "as an excuse to grind every axe ever invented and suck media attention away from actually important stories". Yeah, he's right: we've got a lot more important things to worry about than what Thomas said.

And then I see the sheer number of people defending Thomas in one way or another (this post at Mondoweiss is another example, and links to more). And I think, no, this is important. There is an idea afloat in anti-Zionist circles that is not only counterproductive, but deeply immoral. And it's really !@#$%ing disturbing.

Let me pause for a minute on the defense by Ann El Khoury (linked above in its reprint at Mondoweiss), because it's another category of defense that I didn't touch on above. Ann writes:
My reading was that because she said Palestine she referred to the Occupied Palestinian Territories (OPT) — including East Jerusalem — and in that case the illegal settlers, for many of us, should indeed move back to Russia, Poland, Israel ‘proper’ (internationally recognized 1967 borders) and the US. Part of the problem is the ambiguity: was she referring to Palestine as the whole of Israel? She might have but I doubt hers was the maximalist position. Even those who still advocate a two state solution as tenable should give her the benefit of the doubt unless she indicates otherwise.
The problem is that this reading is totally tendentious and unconvincing. Yes, the West Bank (including East Jerusalem and Gaza) are occupied... but irredentist Palestinians, and their supporters, also at times use "occupied" to refer to all of mandate Palestine. So that's ambiguous... or would be, except for the context of the rest of the statement. If she'd actually said that the settlers should move back to Israel proper, as Ann helpully rewrites her as saying, then that'd mean she was referring to Palestine in a "occupied territories" sense. But the very fact that she didn't, and listed places that Jews used to live before they (or, in most cases, their ancestors) moved to I/P, shows that's not what she meant. The reading of Thomas's statement as referring just to the occupied territories (post-67), in the context of her entire statement, is simply not plausible.

Then there's Philip Weiss (in the process of linking to a piece that does a better-than-usual job of pointing out the hypocracy of those who make parallel anti-Palestinian statements criticizing Thomas for her anti-semitic one (a tendency which I still think is a bad one, which shows an inability to simply see the wrong on all sides rather than try to excuse it by contextualizing; but which at least sees the wrong)), who in his most recent post (as of this writing -- the man posts more often than most people breathe) asks whether "Are people rallying around an American icon demolished for one statement?" -- which is, of course, what a lot of Republicans complained about when Trent Lott infamously praised the segregationist 1948 campaign of Strom Thurmond in a birthday tribute. (Yes, Lott had a lot of other questionable past activities that were raised in light of that sentence; he was still burned for basically one sentence.) The current standard in American discourse is that a single racist statement gets you burned. As I said above, there are very legitimate reasons to question this standard... but you have to be consistent about it; if Lott was wrong, so was Thomas. (And so, of course, is Huckabee and all the others who call for the ethnic cleansing of Palestinians.)

Anyway, I know I should let this go. (I've got some !@#$%ing work to do, after all.) But I'm bothered by all this. Paul Jay (in another piece linked by Mondoweiss) ends by saying that "I said in my last blog, not all criticism of Israel is anti-Semitism - but some is. Helen Thomas' isn't." Well, no. Tony Judt's isn't; Ali Abunimah's isn't. But Helen Thomas's was. The line is pretty clear -- it's between calling for equal rights for all, and calling for ethnic cleansing. This isn't complicated. So it's disturbing to see so many people treat it as if it were. (A fair number of his commentators are pretty apalling too.)

We need to be better than this.

Update 4: Matt Yglesias has a characteristically level-headed and reasonable take on the whole 'condemning-while-noting-the-other-side-is-as-bad-or-worse' phenomenon, with his key point being "with hypocrisy we should be trying to level up—to hold everyone to higher and better standards of conduct—rather than to level down by using observations of hypocrisy to minimize bad behavior." Exactly. Some people seem to use the comparisons to say that what Thomas said shouldn't be a big deal; much better to say that it was -- and so was what Huckabee said, in precisely the same way.

_____________
* This is awkward to talk precisely about, since, of course, some 20% of Israelis are Palestinians, i.e. the "Israeli Arabs" who have citizenship in Israel. I try to not generalize and equate "Israelis" with "Israeli Jews", because it's simply inaccurate (and probably offensive to boot). But I may fail here and there simply because untangling this is complex.

** Yes, I looked up both words in the dictionary to be sure that I wasn't getting them backward, but yes, that is what I meant: "invidious" in the earlier sentence, "insidious" here. After all, both God and the Devil lie in the details.

*** This gets a lot uglier that Chait. Jeffry Goldberg's remark that "One gets the feeling [Thomas]'d rather have the Jews, or at least certain Jews, leave Washington, D.C. for the delightful Polish town of Oswiecim [i.e. Auschwitz]" -- is as baseless as any distortions of Thomas's remarks made by her defenders. Thomas's remarks were ugly enough without distorting them to make them uglier.

Sunday, June 06, 2010

David Markson (1928 - 2010)

I feel like I should write something about the death of author David Markson. (News via.)

The truth is I've only read one of his books.

I liked the one book I read, Reader's Block, a lot. I read it at a time when I felt stuck on fiction and had... well... reader's block. It cured me.

Reader's Block isn't Markson's most famous novel. His most famous novel is Wittgenstein's Mistress.

I have a copy of Wittgenstein's Mistress, but haven't read it.

Well, I read the first forty or so pages, liked them a lot, but got distracted and put it down and never picked it back up again.

That's not a reflection on Markson. I do that with a lot of books. Even ones I really like a lot.

And I liked Wittgenstein's Mistress a lot.

Actually my finishing a book in one go is more unusual. I did that with Reader's Block though.

I'm not sure if I'd recommend Reader's Block to everyone. It's highly experimental fiction: no real plot, a lot of odd facts about reading and interesting observations.

It's all written in short, one-or-two sentence paragraphs.

It's oddly compelling really.

In his excellent round-up on David Markson from a few years ago, Derik Badman calls Reader's Block (and Markson's subsequent two novels) "discontinuous, nonlinear, collage-like".

Well, actually, that phrase is from Reader's Block, but Derik applied it to Markson's work.

Or maybe Markson applied it, and Derik just noticed.

Except that it isn't quite the same phrase. What Markson wrote was "Nonlinear. Discontinuous. Collage-like. An assemblage."

It's easy to see that because Derik quotes it.

But does that mean that Markson wrote it? Or Derik?

Does it matter when the whole idea is nonlinearity anyway?

I'd like to go read some more Markson. Maybe pick up Wittgenstein's Mistress again, or read Markson's follow-up to Reader's Block, This Is Not a Novel.

But while I have both of those, I don't have them with me, right here, at hand.

So while I said that I have Wittgenstein's Mistress but haven't read it, neither half was quite true. But actually both were true in some ways.

So you might like David Markson, but you might not. But you might.

If you're the sort of person who would like David Markson's work, you'll like David Markson's work a lot. That sounds like a tautology, but it isn't really. There are a lot of people whom it's not true for.

June, 2010: Daivd Markson, death of.

RIP.

Thursday, June 03, 2010

How Not To Criticize Israel

A commentator on my previous post just left the following comment; I quote it in its entirety:
Israeli Sociopaths

no compassion
no conscience
no character
no chivalry
Now, the commentator signed him/herself "nader paul kucinich gravel mckinney," so it's possible this was meant as satire. But let's take it straight, for now.

Because this is a textbook example of a really, really bad way to criticize Israel. This is true even if your only concern is for the Palestinians -- which, of course, shouldn't be your only concern; every human being in Israel/Palestine is equally morally important, and ought to be equally valued and taken into account (which is, of course, the fundamental moral basis on which Israel's treatment of the Palestinians ought to be criticized). But even if all you care about are the Palestinians, you ought to work to convince the Israelis that they won't be victimized if the Palestinians are (as they ought to be) given their inalienable rights to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness, to say nothing of a government which operates with the consent of all those it governs. Which is to say: caring about the Palestinians requires that which is morally obligatory anyway: caring about the Israelis too.

Why is this comment so bad?

Well, because one oughtn't to generalize about a people, and say bad things about a collective on the based of actions by individuals -- or, even, by popularly elected governments, although that's a harder thing to prove (although I believe it to be true, too). Let's take the first pint for now.

My commentator is clearly not referring simply to those Israelis who are, technically, sociopaths: since all sociopaths by definition have neither compassion nor conscience, the point would be utterly moot. No, my commentator is saying that Israelis in general are sociopaths who lack compassion and conscience.

Which is precisely parallel to what Israelis say about Palestinians: since some have (indisputably) committed hideous acts of terror, they must be in general sociopaths who lack compassion and conscience.

Either way, directed to either side, it's a bigoted statement which ought not to be made.

Not least because it blinds you to the good people on the other side. And not least because it can cause people on the other side to react without compassion, since lack of compassion begets lack of compassion.

To say any group lacks compassion is to demonstrate one's own lack of it.

And since this conflict will ultimately end when the stronger party -- Israel -- is convinced that they can, safely, do what they morally ought (and after they are convinced that it is, in fact, their moral duty) then we must show them that they will not themselves be stereotyped or mistreated -- which we can only do when it's true.

To say that Israelis, as a people* are bad is to hurt the cause of the Palestinians.

(The reverse is also true, although for a different reason: to say that Palestinians are, as a people, bad is to contribute to the moral denigration of Israel by lending support to their holding of untrue and immoral racist beliefs, which, by definition, is bad for the Israelis (albeit in a less practical way than generalizing about Israelis is bad for the Palestinian cause.))

So it's not only incorrect and immoral, but counterproductive and dumb.

None of this is to excuse the individual act of murder that my previous post was about. Such people should be punished for their actions... through a legal process, with due process and a presumption of innocence, and with a justice that bears in mind the context (a context which does not excuse, but which does explain) of the actions.

Precisely the way that Palestinians accused of terrorism should be treated.

And while we're on the topic of compassion, let's note that that Israeli soldier who shot an American kid of 19 years four times in the head at close range is most likely not a sociopath him-or-her-self. Oh, the soldier's probably a murderer. But murders, particularly political murders, are committed for all sorts of reasons: people are in the grip of a momentary fear, or a malevolent ideology, or are simply twisted by a history involving brutality on both sides ("I and the public know/What all schoolchildren learn:/Those to whom evil is done/Do evil in return" as Auden put it). Murder is an evil; but it is done -- often -- f or reasons. So yes, we should insist that the murderer be brought to justice. But even that doesn't forbid the exercise of compassion.

(Which, again, is just as true for Palestinian terrorists as it is for Israeli soldiers.)

Even those who voluntarily support the system -- ideological, political and military -- which ultimately drives evil acts do so for reasons that are understandable: reasons that themselves have a systematic component and complex history. (Nor do supporters of a popular government necessarily support or intend every action it commits.) So while we should try to talk supporters of the hard-line Israeli government into a new approach, and can even (ultimately, in history) blame them for its actions, we should not dismiss them as evil people simply because they have supported an evil system -- or, rather, a government which does (some) evil things.

(And what is true for Israeli supporters of Netanyahu is true for Palestinian supporters of Hamas.)

Israeli soldiers do evil things, and the Israeli government has evil policies. Those who vote for the Israeli government supported a regime with blood on its hands. Which does not differentiate them from those who have supported the government of the United States, or the United Kingdom, or China, or Iran, or Saudi Arabia... or the Gaza strip.

None of us would want to be judged by the actions of our governments, or by the worst actions of groups to which we might belong. And none of us should be.

Which does not change the fact that all of us have a moral obligation to call injustice and evil by its name -- wherever they rear their head; and an obligation to try to change those governments which carry them out -- in particular, and above all, those governments which we are complicit in: for Americans, the American government, but also the Israeli government, given the financial and diplomatic support the U.S. gives to Israel.

So yes, let us have compassion, and conscience, and character.

A good place to start is not by generalizing about people based on the actions of groups they belong to.

Israelis. Or Palestinians. Or anyone else.

Update, Monday, June 7: To take another example, these remarks from Helen Thomas are not only disgusting and inexcusable, they are specifically harmful to those who wish to see peace in the Middle East and justice and freedom for all the residents of Israel/Palestine. The only way peace and justice will come -- whether you believe in a one (secular, democratic) state solution or a two-state solution -- is if Israelis, who are the stronger party, feel safe in acquiescing in such a solution. (If they don't, they will -- understandably -- fight to the bitter end.) They'll only feel safe if people don't say shit like that. And the best and easiest and truest way not to say shit like that is not to believe shit like that.

(And, yes, the reverse is true for Israelis who think that Palestinians should just be resettled in countries outside Palestine. All proponents of ethnic cleansing are expressing vile beliefs, and all are harming the chances of justice and peace.)

She shouldn't have said it because she oughtn't to believe it. (She oughtn't to believe because it's immoral.) That's primary. But it's also true that it's incredibly fucking counter-productive for anyone seeking justice, freedom and peace for the entire region.

Shame on Helen Thomas.

______________
* A statement which, as phrased, also includes the 20% of Israelis who are not Jews -- who are largely themselves Palestinians.

"One bullet in the chest and four bullets fired into his head from close range"

That's the New York Times, conveying the report of the "Cihan News Agency" about what happened to the American citizen, Furkan Dogan, 19 years of age.



If confirmed, it will certainly put the lie to any claim of self defense by the shooter. A bullet in the chest might well be self-defense (by an aggressor, of course -- the Israelis shouldn't have been on that ship in the first place, and they were the ones attacking -- but nevertheless understandable). A bullet in the head at close range... possibly, probably not but possibly, that's self-defense too.

Three more? That's murder. And calls into question the entire rest of the scenario.

All this is, again, via Sully, who also notes the report of an eyewitness to the assault:
Al Jazeera's Jamal Elshayyal... confirmed that at least "one person was shot through the top of the head from [the helicopter] above" ... "The first shots [coming from Israeli boats at sea] were tear gas, sound grenades and rubber coated steel bullets," said Eshayyal. "Live shots came five minutes after that. There was definitely live fire from the air and from the sea as well." He confirmed that some passengers took apart some of the ship's railings to defend themselves as they saw the Israeli soldiers approaching.
A lot of Israel's defenders are taking the one-minute video of the boat passengers attacking the Israeli commandos at face value. As I noted, the Israelis were the aggressors here, so this is arguably justifiable (although certainly, at least in my view, unwise) even if that's all there is to the story.

But as Cenk Uygur notes here, the Israelis are showing us a minute of the footage, out of context. As he puts it, the Israelis
have so many more tapes of what happened on board, both from the IDF perspective and video shot on board the ship from the passengers' perspective. Until they release all of these, these pre-selected propaganda pieces should only raise more questions about what they are not showing us.
The context given by Jamal Elshayyal, for instance, would put the supposedly violent passengers in an entirely different light. Now, perhaps Elshayyal is lying... but given that Israel is selectively releasing video, and has reportedly confiscated all the recording devices possessed by the people they captured on the high seas, they certainly shouldn't get the benefit of the doubt.

Four bullets into the head at close range. This appalling incident has just been revealed to be a lot more horrific than we first knew.

(Update: Photo of the victim added; taken from here.)

Today in Media Balance

Today's New York Times presents, as an op-ed, Israel's defense of its assault on the Gaza Freedom Flotilla, by Michael Oren, Israel's ambassador to the U.S., and a former scholar at the Shalem Center, a right-wing think-tank in Jerusalem.

But in today's he-said/she-said media culture, you can't just have one viewpoint. So they helpfully offer a second op-ed on the Gaza Flotilla incident by... wait for it... Daniel Gordis, current Senior Vice-President of the Shalem Center, a right-wing think-thank in Jerusalem.

Balance, baby. Balance.

*****

Disclaimers, disclosures and miscellaneous small print:

• I know several of the people who founded and run the Shalem Center; I haven't seen them in years, but I still consider them friends. I've never met Oren or Gordis, however.

• In addition to being a right-wing think-tank, the Shalem Center is also engaged in founding what they plan to be Israel's first liberal arts college. While I understand the ultimately conservative impulse behind this project, and I hope it will have different political effects than they (I'm guessing) think it will, I nevertheless think the college is a really interesting project which could have some very good results, and wish them luck on that endeavor.